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       Famine as commerce "Food is power. We use it to change behavior. Some may call that bribery. We do not
   apologize" - Catherine Bertini, Executive Director of the World Food Program.  
by Devinder Sharma 
   (Aug. 8, 2002 -- CropChoice guest commentary) -- Some years back, a keynote speaker at the International Famine Centre at Cork,
   Ireland, detailed how maize was loaded on ships bound for Britain at the height of
   the great Irish potato famine that killed some 1.5 million people more than 150 years
   ago. He paused and then lamented: "I wonder what kind of people lived at that time
   who were not even remotely offended at the sight of millions dying of hunger in the
   same village where the ships were being loaded."  
   A hundred years later, the same class of people were largely responsible for the
   great Bengal Famine in 1943, in which an estimated 1.5 million to 3 million people
   perished. As Nobel laureate Amartya Sen explains in his now well-known theory of
   entitlements, the Bengal famine was not the result of a drastic slump in food
   production but because the colonial masters had diverted food for other commercial
   purposes. And if you are wondering whether the same evil class of the elite
   decision-makers has perished with the collapse of the erstwhile colonies, hold your
   breadth.  
   In the last 60 years or so, following the great human tragedy of the Bengal famine,
   food aid was conveniently used as a political weapon. But what is arguably one of the
   most blatantly anti-humanitarian act, seen as morally repugnant, is the decision of
   the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) to offer US $50
   million in food aid to famine-stricken Zimbabwe provided that it is used to purchase
   genetically modified maize. Food aid therefore is no longer an instrument of foreign
   policy. It has now become a major commercial activity, even if it means exploiting
   the famine victims and starving millions.  
   That is the official line at the USAID about the corn it has offered to Zambia,
   Zimbabwe, Lesotho, Mozambique and Malawi, where an estimated 13 million people face
   severe hunger and possibly live under the spectre of an impending famine after two
   years of drought and floods.  
   For the genetically modified food industry, reeling under a growing rejection of its
   untested and harmful food products, there is money in hunger, starvation and death.
   Spearheaded by USAID, the industry has made it abundantly clear that it has only
   genetically modified maize to offer and was not willing to segregate. The WFP, which
   over the past few decades has for all practical purposes become an extension of
   USAID, was quick to put its rubber stamp. It had earlier helped the United States to
   reduce its grain surpluses by taking the genetically modified food for a mid-day meal
   programme for school children in Africa.  
   President Mugabe may not be able to hold for long. He had earlier told Zimbabwe's
   Parliament on July 23: " We fight the present drought with our eyes clearly set on
   the future of the agricultural sector, which is the mainstay of our economy. We dare
   not endanger its future through misplaced decisions based on acts of either
   desperation or expediency." But then, the biotechnology industry is using all its
   financial power to break down the African resistance. Once the GM food is accepted as
   humanitarian aid, it will be politically difficult for the African governments to
   oppose the corporate take-over of Africa's agricultural economy. For the industry,
   Africa provides a huge market.  
   Zambian President Levy Mwanawasa too has said that his people would rather die than
   eat toxic food. While Malawi says it has no choice but to accept GM maize, newspaper
   reports cite Mozambique, from where Malawi's food aid has to pass through, asking the
   WFP to cover it with plastic sheeting to avoid spillage while in transit. 
   Malawi incidentally is faced with famine after it was forced to sell maize to earn
   dollars for debt servicing. Explains Ann Pettifor of the New Economics Foundation:
   Just three months before the food crisis hit, Malawi was encouraged by the World Bank
   "to keep foreign exchange instead of storing grain" Why? Because foreign exchange is
   needed to repay debts. Creditors will not accept debt repayments in Malawian Kwachas.
   Or indeed in bags of maize. Only "greenbacks" or other hard currencies will do. 
   One of Malawi's key commercial creditors needed to have their debt repaid, according
   to Malawi's president, who in a BBC interview said the government "had been forced
   (to sell maize) in order to repay commercial loans taken out to buy surplus maize in
   previous years". President Muluzi said the IMF and the World Bank "insisted that,
   since Malawi had a surplus and the (government's) National Food Reserve Agency had
   this huge loan, they had to sell the maize to repay the commercial banks." So Malawi
   duly sold 28,000 tonnes of maize to Kenya. Under pressure from her creditors, led by
   the World Bank and the IMF, Malawi exchanged maize -- her people's staple diet -- for
   dollars.  
   And now, it is getting another loan to purchase genetically modified from the United
   States. Sure the USAID has been working overtime to create a market for its
   genetically modified food industry ! 
   The debate on biotech food however goes still further. After all, it is the
   commercial interest of America's sunrise industry. The biotechnology industry has
   always been quick to use agricultural economists and Nobel laureates as effective
   'loudspeakers' to promote the unhealthy food on gullible populations. One of its most
   distinguished spokesperson, Dr Per Pinstrup-Andersen, former director general of the
   Washington-based International Food Policy Research Institute, said that Zimbabwe was
   using the food to play politics. Referring to President Mugabe's recent land-reform
   policies, he added: "I think it is irresponsible . Unless they know they can get
   enough food from elsewhere that is not genetically modified." 
   And how much quantity of grain is required to tide over the food crisis in central
   and southern Africa? A million tonne, is all that the WFP estimates. Surprising that
   the WFP as well as Pinstrup-Andersen are not aware of any other source of getting
   non-GM foodgrains for millions of hungry Africans. Ironically, the country which is
   laden with overflowing grain silos and an unmanageable grain reserves is the one to
   have come to the rescue of a famine-stricken Ireland in the nineteenth century. The
   first shipload of grain that came for the starving Irish was from India. And more
   recently, India had provided food on 'humanitarian' basis to the war-torn Iraqis'.
   And soon after Bin Laden and his associates were forced out, India had stepped in to
   fight immediate hunger in Afghanistan early this year. Earlier too, India had come to
   the rescue of Ethiopia at the height of the Ethiopian famine in the mid-1980s.  
   With 65 million tonnes foodgrains stockpiled in the open, and that too of non
   genetically modified grain, WFP will do well to purchase instead from India. With the
   grain from the reserves priced at Rs 4 to Rs 5 a kg (less than 10 American cents a
   kilo), the WFP will not find cheaper food available anywhere. But this will not
   happen, in other words will not be allowed to happen. After all, the impending famine
   in Africa opens up a new market to sustain the multi-billion dollar US biotechnology
   industry. What happens in the bargain to the resulting crisis in human health and
   misery, and environment contamination from GMOs is none of the concern of the
   American grain merchants. In fact, it never was.  
   At the height of the 1974 famine in the newly born Bangladesh, the US had withheld
   2.2 million tonnes of food aid to 'ensure that it abandoned plans to try Pakistani
   war criminals'. And a year later, when Bangladesh was faced with severe monsoons and
   imminent floods, the then US Ambassador to Bangladesh made it abundantly clear that
   the US probably could not commit food aid because of Bangladesh's policy of exporting
   jute to Cuba. And by the time Bangladesh succumbed to the American pressure, and
   stopped jute exports to Cuba, the food aid in transit was 'too late for famine
   victims'.  
   Food was then a political weapon. Food aid has now in addition become a commercial
   enterprise. Famine or no famine, the Shylocks of the grain trade must have their
   'pound of flesh'. 
   About the author: Devinder Sharma is the author of In the Famine Trap. http://www.dsharma.org  | |